The Tents Put Up for a Democratic Solution are Democratic Actions
Abdullah Ocalan / 30 March 2011
My eyes hurt. There is tears and discharge coming off them continuously. I have no idea why they hurt so much. I find it difficult to read. I was given eye drops but it did not work, the condition persists. I clean them continuously and that is why there is irritation now.
Karayılan has apparently said it is not adequate that Bashar Assad pledges his word for reforms and if Kurds rebel in Syria it would be much stronger than the rebellions seen in the Arab world. He is right. Such a rebellion will be stronger than those of the Arab people. Kurds are well organized. It is important to prepare the people well. Our people in Syria may want to make the best of the current developments in that country. They can intervene. Syria will probably not show animosity towards the Kurds. It is important that citizenship is given to our people in Syria. It is also important that they allow our people to democratically organize themselves there. A democratic reconciliation can be attained there. Bashar Assad can take democratic steps. Syria has such a need. He should be worthy of his father's memory and take these steps. They say he will make a statement in relation to this. I hope that some steps are taken so that they pave the way for a democratic solution there.
The Tents Put Up for Democratic Resolution are democratic actions. The visit of intellectuals to these tents is necessary and positive. The tent action is a civil and democratic action and hence a constitutional right. No one can oppose it. They can make use of these rights of theirs without the need for stones or sticks and within the framework of democratic rights. They may continue their actions. The President also says that it is a constitutional right. They can continue with their activities within the framework of civilian and democratic rights. The government should not intervene against these activities but should see them within such a perspective. Is it better if youngsters die? We do not want anyone to die. We insist on a democratic solution so that deaths can be stopped. The people should decide how long these tent actions should continue. They may continue with them until they attain a result or solution. They have already determined four demands. These platforms may be transformed into academies of democratic politics. There our people could become enlightened. There should be discussions on the policies developed against the people and the games carried out. Our people should transform these tents into platforms where they discuss and resolve their problems. These platforms can be turned into people's academies.
It is important that democratic candidates are nominated in the elections because the progress of fascist forces in Turkey can be impeded this way. This alliance is the way to prevent the desired Kurdish-Turkish war. A seat may also be given to an Assyrian amongst the candidates. Assyrians have a historical bond in the region and in Midyat. They have a religious centre in Zahferan. They can represent the other circles that live there as well.
No organizational mistakes should be made during the elections. There should not be any miscalculations at all. A balanced distribution should be achieved. Attention should be paid to the skills, competence and effectiveness of the candidates.
They say that there were many detained and arrested after the Newroz celebrations in Iran. There may be hundreds or a thousand people arrested. Iran is quite dangerous and one should be careful with them. If need be the people there can take shelter in the mountains and make their way to Iraq. They can take shelter in the mountains. Iran may play a negative role during this period. They should take all the precautions necessary.
30 March is also the anniversary of Kızıldere massacre. I honour those who were killed at the time very much. I had met Mahir Çayan. I heard from him personally that his struggle was the joint struggle of all peoples. Furthermore there are also the things Deniz Gezmiş said as he was taken to execution. The action taken at Kızıldere was to prevent the execution of Deniz and his friends. The left and the socialists should learn from this. This was an action of the United Front. For the past forty years this struggle continues. I was arrested for the very first time after the Kızıldere action. I was arrested because I was handing out a leaflet on Mahir Çayan and his friends. The incident in Kızıldere played an important role in our decision to go ahead with the struggle. I have talked about these in detail in my final defences. The struggle that they initiated and we continued for the past forty years is the struggle to unite and free the Kurds, Turks and all peoples. The struggle initiated by Çayan and his friends has a historical significance and shall always shed light to the path of our struggle. I heard it from him personally; he saw liberation in the democratic union of the Kurds and Turks.
I congratulate all those that took part in the Newala Qesaba protest march. On this occasion I would like to say the following in relation to Agit. He was quite devoted to the values and principles of our struggle. He was a true people's leader. I personally prepared him to go in in 1985, he went there within the framework that we had determined. He was the first to notice, to show the initial serious reaction and be against the Gang of Four. His death is related to this stance of his. I would like to commemorate him with respect and affection. A mausoleum can be erected for Agit in Nevala Qesaba. If his remains are found then they can be placed there. Graves should also be created for our friends and patriots who are buried there.
I would like to say a few things in relation to our friends who set themselves on fire. The actions taken by them are highly courageous and show devotion to the cause. There is much sacrifice involved. The actions taken by Mustafa Malçok in Diyarbakir and Müslüm Doğan in Adıyaman can be evaluated within this category. The action taken by Vedat Acar is also within this framework. However, I had previously said that I do not approve of this method. Let me state it again, there is no need for such methods. During the 1980s and 1990s there were also some such courageous actions taken but adherence to the memory and values of Agit means that the struggle can be furthered through different methods and forms.
I would like to say a few words on child rapes. I think one of the political parties demonstrated against these rapes. But they apparently carried my photo along with some of the rapists’ photos. They are so dishonourable; they are despicable. They are showing my photos again and talking about the death sentence. They have the go ahead from the AKP. In its absence they would not be able to do this all alone. Our people should clearly understand this.
They were the ones who murdered the priests. The children raped are our children. There are the regional boarding schools. The rapes committed against the Kurds and Kurdish children are known. Everyone must know that our children are not only physically and sexually raped. There are many kinds of rapes and political rape is one of them. They are implementing all kinds of rape against the Kurds. The KCK case is for instance an example of political rape. Another type of rape is economic and environmental rape. The Kurds are subjected to economic rape and environmental rape through hydroelectric power plants. There is also cultural rape being committed; language, the ban on the language and all obstacles before the use of the language, can be regarded as cultural rape. Physical and sexual rape is only one amongst many different types and is the most wretched of all. In Denizli they raped the Kurdish female children. They rape the Kurdish children; rape all the rights of the Kurds and then blame the Kurds. So you are the one to be raped and then declared to be guilty! This is the worst situation of all. You are the one to rape and incite rape. For the past twenty years you have committed massacres in Maraş, Sivas and Çorum, you slit the throats of the priests, you are the trigger persons for the gangs and the gladio. Their cadres were the trigger persons for the Gladio for many years. They were trained in Florida just for this.
I am not scared of being executed. If they have the strength they should hang me immediately tomorrow. I was patient to date not because I was scared of being executed but for the development of a democratic solution. I may die here not because of being executed but due to different reasons. This is a huge plot. It is a quite deliberate act to revive the discussions on the death penalty via these rapes. The AKP encourages them. Burhan Kuzu apparently said that he is not against the death penalty. Both the people and the BDP should be prepared.
I would like to say a few things in relation to the issue of intellectuals. This has a past history. In 1985 NATO took a decision against us on the basis of Article 5. NATO works in two different ways: One is the secret NATO with its headquarters in Florida and the other open NATO. The implementations in Libya are that of the open NATO. NATO has openly stepped in. Against us though it was mostly the secret NATO because we were not a state. In 1985 NATO gave this secret task to Germany. Via Germany several campaigns and operations were initiated against us. Ever since then a bogus opposition was tried to be developed against us. Until 1990 such operations continued via Germany. Since 1990 Britain stepped in. Britain has now taken over the policies to be implemented against us. Britain formed the team of Tansu Çiller and Güreş; this was a huge plot that was planned against us. As a result of it Özal was eliminated. Özal had good intentions but he was eliminated as result of this huge plot. Britain too tried to develop a bogus opposition against us via the team of Çiller and Güreş. Their plan was to substitute the bogus opposition they had put together after they had eliminated us. This did not rest on a social basis or reality. Just as the present Libyan opposition they would have landed against us a bogus opposition. The opposition in Libya has been landed there out of thin air. The plot and elimination plans at the beginning of the 1990s and the plot in 1998 are all the work of secret NATO. They wanted to substitute an opposition in our place. That is why at the time Burkay used to call me “a sentenced leper in that island”. By leper he means that I have been isolated; that is I have been left out of it all.
This secret NATO worked more like a Gladio and JITEM in Turkey. At the time JITEM was that of gendarmerie. Since 2002 the plots and elimination plans against us are Police Academy centred. Önder Aytaç and his likes talk within this framework. He has also said that I should be hanged. Emre Uslu too writes within a similar framework. The concept after 2002 is being formed by the police academy circles.
The opposition that was tried to be formed between 1985 and 2002 was put into action against us within the framework of Secret NATO, Gladio and JITEM. After 2002 this opposition is being worked on by the police academy. This is where the incidents about the intellectuals come from. In the past there was the gendarmerie JITEM and now it is the police JITEM. Although their names are different the aim of the policies implemented against us and the mentality are the same. The policy called by the government to be an opening first began at the police academy. This policy was first structured there. They all are acting in accordance with the policies formed by the police academy. They are all bogus intellectuals and have no influence at all.
They are continuously planning plots against us. I think the Tatlises incident is also a plot. His being wounded could be part of the plot. They now say that he will be the AKP's candidate in the elections and the message he has sent is being read around. Just as it is with the intellectuals they are also trying to generate a bogus artist group amongst the Kurds. Yılmaz Güney personally told me in relation to Tatlıses to “be careful about him, they are trying to substitute me with him and hence create a bogus Kurdish artist”. When I had met with Yılmaz Güney that is what he told me. I share this memory of mine with the general public once again due to the occasion. For each concert they demand one hundred, hundred and fifty or two thousand liras. If per concert this is how they ask then this is not art but something else and it serves something else. If you think of the people and make art for them then there is the art commission of the democratic congress (DTK); you can take your place in there. You can implement your art there. If you do not take your place there and ask for so much money then the people shall not demand you and you will be isolated. Then all you want to do is make money not sing songs.
I believe there is curiosity about the meetings I have here. I shall say a few things in relation to this as well. These meetings should be made public. These meetings take place with me and here I represent the institution of the leadership. I am acting in response to its requirements. The meetings done here bind me; I do not have the meetings here on behalf of the KCK or BDP or DTK or the Turkish left. Neither I nor the meetings I have here are well understood. Neither the KCK nor the ones in Europe nor the BDP understand me sufficiently. They continuously expect something of me. They leave me all the responsibilities. I gave all the support I could about what can be done and how they can be done. But if they expect practical responsibilities of me then this is wrong. Even the tents are linked to me. I am meeting them on behalf of the leadership institution. What is important here is not I as a person but the leadership institution. The meetings taken up with me are also based on this understanding. All this must be understood as such. I am trying to pave the way as a leader so that the problems can be resolved. Those who come to see me do so because they know of this position of mine.
The BDP can too meet the authorities on its own behalf. They do meet them time to time already. The BDP is a structure that is different from the KCK. It has political association and activities within the legal arena. The BDP must form its own local leaders at this time. The dialogues it takes up shall be on its own behalf. They shall decide on their own method of solution, program, projects and how to implement their own party programs. For instance the tents put up are the kind of work cut out for the BDP.
Similarly the DTK too can meet with the state on behalf of our people and on behalf of itself. They can make use of its representative power. But this is must be their own program and they must do this on their own behalf. The DTK should work with the intellectuals and meet up with them as well. Similarly those in Europe should also work in a similar manner. The BDP, DTK and KCK should play their roles well and must represent themselves through their own projects and for a solution. The stance of the state in relation to the democratic resolution may become clear within the next couple of meetings.
I received a from Malatya prison. It was an interesting and a beautiful letter. I send my special greetings, they should continue to work. There was also a letter from Adiyaman prison, I also send them my greetings. There were also letters from the prisons of Van, Bitlis and Mus. I send them all greetings.
Please convey my greetings to the youth and people of Batman.